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Spanner (database)
Spanner is a distributed SQL database management and storage service developed by Google. It provides features such as global transactions, strongly consistent reads, and automatic multi-site replication and failover. Spanner is used in Google F1, the database for its advertising business Google Ads, as well as Gmail and Google Photos. == Features == Spanner stores large amounts of mutable structured data. Spanner allows users to perform arbitrary queries using SQL with relational data while maintaining strong consistency and high availability for that data with synchronous replication. Key features of Spanner: Transactions can be applied across rows, columns, tables, and databases within a Spanner universe. Clients can control the replication and placement of data using automatic multi-site replication and failover. Replication is synchronous and strongly consistent. Reads are strongly consistent and data is versioned to allow for stale reads: clients can read previous versions of data, subject to garbage collection windows. Supports a native SQL interface for reading and writing data. Support for Graph Query Language == History == Spanner was first described in 2012 for internal Google data centers. Spanner's SQL capability was added in 2017 and documented in a SIGMOD 2017 paper. It became available as part of Google Cloud Platform in 2017, under the name "Cloud Spanner". == Architecture == Spanner uses the Paxos algorithm as part of its operation to shard (partition) data across up to hundreds of servers. It makes heavy use of hardware-assisted clock synchronization using GPS clocks and atomic clocks to ensure global consistency. TrueTime is the brand name for Google's distributed cloud infrastructure, which provides Spanner with the ability to generate monotonically increasing timestamps in data centers around the world. Google's F1 SQL database management system (DBMS) is built on top of Spanner, replacing Google's custom MySQL variant.
Data thinking
Data Thinking is a framework that integrates data science with the design process. It combines computational thinking, statistical thinking, and domain-specific knowledge to guide the development of data-driven solutions in product development. The framework is used to explore, design, develop, and validate solutions, with a focus on user experience and data analytics, including data collection and interpretation The framework aims to apply data literacy and inform decision-making through data-driven insights. == Major components == According to "Computational thinking in the era of data science": Data thinking involves understanding that solutions require both data-driven and domain-knowledge-driven rules. Data thinking evaluates whether data accurately represents real-life scenarios and improves data collection where necessary. The framework highlights the importance of preserving domain-specific meaning during data analysis. Data thinking incorporates statistical and logical analysis to identify patterns and irregularities. Data thinking involves testing solutions in real-life contexts and iteratively improving models based on new data. The process requires evaluating problems from multiple abstraction levels and understanding the potential for biases in generalizations. == Major phases == === Strategic context and risk analysis === Analyzing the broader digital strategy and assessing risks and opportunities is a common step before beginning a project. Techniques like coolhunting, trend analysis, and scenario planning can be used to assist with this. === Ideation and exploration === In this phase, focus areas are identified, and use cases are developed by integrating organizational goals, user needs, and data requirements. Design thinking methods, such as personas and customer journey mapping, are applied. === Prototyping === A proof of concept is created to test feasibility and refine solutions through iterative evaluation to optimize for effective performance. === Implementation and monitoring === Solutions are tested and monitored for performance and continual improvement. == Implementing Data Thinking == The following resources explain more about data thinking and its applications: "Data Thinking: Framework for data-based solutions" by StackFuel "What is Data Thinking? A modern approach to designing a data strategy" by Mantel Group "Data Science Thinking" by SpringerLink These sources provide detailed insights into the methodology, phases, and benefits of adopting Data Thinking in organizational processes.
Brain Imaging Data Structure
The Brain Imaging Data Structure (BIDS) is a standard for organizing, annotating, and describing data collected during neuroimaging experiments. It is based on a formalized file and directory structure and metadata files (based on JSON and TSV) with controlled vocabulary. This standard has been adopted by a multitude of labs around the world as well as databases such as OpenNeuro, SchizConnect, Developing Human Connectome Project, and FCP-INDI, and is seeing uptake in an increasing number of studies. While originally specified for MRI data, BIDS has been extended to several other imaging modalities such as MEG, EEG, and intracranial EEG (see also BIDS Extension Proposals). == History == The project is a community-driven effort. BIDS, originally OBIDS (Open Brain Imaging Data Structure), was initiated during an INCF sponsored data sharing working group meeting (January 2015) at Stanford University. It was subsequently spearheaded and maintained by Chris Gorgolewski. Since October 2019, the project is headed by a Steering Group and maintained by a separate team of maintainers, the Maintainers Group, according to a governance document that was approved of by the BIDS community in a vote. BIDS has advanced under the direction and effort of contributors, the community of researchers that appreciate the value of standardizing neuroimaging data to facilitate sharing and analysis. == BIDS Extension Proposals == BIDS can be extended in a backwards compatible way and is evolving over time. This is accomplished through BIDS Extension Proposals (BEPs), which are community-driven processes following agreed-upon guidelines. A full list of finalized BEPs and BEPs in progress can be found on the BIDS website
Peñabot
Peñabot is the nickname for automated social media accounts allegedly used by the Mexican government of Enrique Peña Nieto and the PRI political party to keep unfavorable news from reaching the Mexican public. Peñabot accusations are related to the broader issue of fake news in the 21st century. == History of disinformation in Mexican politics == The PRI political party has been reported to use fake news since before Peña Nieto. The main tactic originally was to spread such propaganda through open radio and television networks. Such tactic was effective in Mexico, because newspaper readership is low and cable TV is largely limited to the middle classes; consequently, the country's two major television networks – Televisa and TV Azteca – exert a significant influence in national politics. Televisa itself, not only owns around two-thirds of the programming on Mexico's TV channels, making it not only Mexico's largest television network, but also is the largest media network in the Spanish-speaking world. == Peñabots == Analysts have given the name Peñabots to a suspected network of automated accounts on social media used by the Mexican government to spread pro-government propaganda and to marginalize dissenting opinions in social media. The bots were first noticed in the 2012 elections when they were used to disseminate opinions in support of Enrique Peña Nieto on social networks such as Twitter and Facebook. According to Aristegui Noticias, their usage went against articles 6 and 134 of the Mexican Constitution. Those used by Peña Nieto's government cost an estimated 80 million pesos monthly, which news outlets argued only helped the government spread fake support towards the president, but did not have a benefit towards Mexican people (with whom EPN was highly unpopular). Facebook held approximately 640,321 Peñabots, while Twitter had less. As of July 2017, Oxford Internet Institute's Computational Propaganda Research Project claimed many western democracies, Mexico included, perform social media manipulation, thus saying the manipulation comes directly from the Mexican government itself. During Peña Nieto's subsequent presidency, analysts noted that Peñabots were used to overpower trending topics that critiqued government, to flood trending government critical hashtags with spam, to create fake trends by pushing alternative hashtags, and to push smear campaigns and threats against government-critical activists and journalists. Peñabots were distinguished as their pattern of activity was distinct from that of ordinary interaction on social networks. === Meadebots === On Twitter it was reported that about 94% of the followers of 2018 presidential candidate from the PRI Jose Antonio Meade were bots. When Antonio Meade presented himself as a candidate for the 2018 presidential election, his social media accounts such as "@MovimientoMEADE" (created by the PRI's official account @PRI_Nacional), obtained a huge quantity of followers in a short span of time. Some users noticed and brought it to attention, and after investigation it was reported 94% of such followers were bots (702,000 out of 747,000), and the account was eliminated from Twitter after 20 hours. The fake accounts used the hashtags #YoConMeade and #Meade18. It was further revealed was that Meade's official account on Twitter, @JoseAMeadeK had 25% bots (216,000 fake followers out of the 981,000). == Manipulation of news media in Mexico, through television == The Mexican government of Peña Nieto has been accused of using various means to keep unfavorable news from reaching the Mexican people. Many Mexicans have protested this practice as it clearly goes against the freedom of speech. The PRI has been reported to use fake news since before Peña Nieto. The main tactic has been to spread such propaganda through radio and television. This tactic is perceived as effective in Mexico, because newspaper readership is low and research on the Internet and cable TV is largely limited to the middle classes; consequently, the country's two major television networks – Televisa and TV Azteca – exert a significant influence in national politics. Televisa itself, owns around two-thirds of the programming on Mexico's TV channels, making it not only Mexico's largest television network, but also is the largest media network in the Spanish-speaking world. In June 2012, before the 2012 Mexican presidential elections, the British newspaper The Guardian published a series of allegations claiming Televisa, sold favorable coverage to top politicians in its news and entertainment shows, this scandal became known as the Televisa controversy. The documents published by 'The Guardian alleged that a secretive circle within Televisa manipulated news coverage to favor PRI presidential candidate Enrique Peña Nieto, who was poised as favorite to win. Televisa's secret circle supposedly commissioned videos to promote Peña Nieto and lash out his political rivals in 2009. The Guardian documents suggest that Televisa's secret team distributed such videos through e-mail, posting them posted them on Facebook and YouTube, some can still be seen there. Another document was a PowerPoint presentation, with a slide explicitly aimed at rival leftist candidate of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), Andrés Manuel López Obrador. Supposedly given to The Guardian by a Televisa employee. The document's authenticity was never possible to confirm– however dates, names, and events largely coincide. Televisa refused to talk the documents, and denied a relationship with the PRI or its presidential candidate, saying that they had provided equal media coverage to all parties. Televisa published an article supposedly showing discrepancies in The Guardian documents and denying accusations. Mexican citizens complained about the perceived favoritism towards Enrique Peña Nieto and the PRI, protesting through the Yo Soy 132 movement which Televisa covered in detail. However, Televisa's news media coverage is perceived to have been biased, by using a media coverage tactic Mexican citizens call cortinas de humo (smoke screens). These introduce a news scandal giving extensive coverage to distract citizens from a potential conflict-of-interest or controversy that could damage the image of the politician favored by the network. An example of a perceived smoke screen would be the news media coverage of "Caso Michoacán" and "Caso Paolette" distracting all the attention from the parallel "Yo soy 132" movement. A few years later, on the day of September 11, 2016; factual evidence of Televisa's performing media manipulation emerged, when a Televisa news anchor while live-on air reading a teleprompter, mistakenly read out loud that "try that Jaime "Ël Bronco" Rodríguez Calderón (Nuevo Leon's governor) is mentioned as little as possible". Newspaper El Universal caught it on video and published it social media. Televisa didn't mention the story and declined to comment. Lack of news coverage concerning Nuevo León's Governor Jaime Rodriguez, is perceived due to him being the first elected governor to not be part of any political party (Independent Governor), and because unlike the governors from the PRI preceding him, the independent governor "El Bronco" doesn't spend money on publicity at all, preferring to communicate all news by using social media such as Twitter and Facebook. While the incident may have proven Televisa's bias, there wasn't anything to incriminate the PRI political party or Enrique Peña Nieto, though it did further suspicion of Televisa manipulating news media. In contrast, a December 2017 article of The New York Times, reported Enrique Peña Nieto spending about 2000 million dollars on publicity, during his first 5 years as president, the largest publicity budget ever spent by a Mexican President. Additionally, 68 percent of news journalists admitted to not believe to have enough freedom of speech, and award-winning news reporter Carmen Aristegui was controversially fired shortly after revealing the Mexican White House scandals. == Violence and spying towards news journalists and civil rights activists == Far for only being receiving accusations of spreading fake news, the Mexican government of EPN (Enrique Peña Nieto) has also been accused of violence towards news journalists, and of spying on them, and also towards civil right leaders and their families. During his tenure as president, Peña Nieto has been accused of failing to protect news journalists, whose deaths are speculated to be politically triggered, by politicians attempting to prevent them from covering political scandals. The New York Times published a news report on the matter titled, "In Mexico it's easy to kill a journalist", on it mentioning how during EPN's government, Mexico became one of the worst countries on which to be a journalist. The assassination of journalist Javier Valdez on May 23, 2017, received national coverage, with multiple news journalists
Commission on Enhancing National Cybersecurity
The President's Commission on Enhancing National Cybersecurity is a Presidential Commission formed on April 13, 2016, to develop a plan for protecting cyberspace, and America's economic reliance on it. The commission released its final report in December 2016. The report made recommendations regarding the intertwining roles of the military, government administration and the private sector in providing cyber security. Chairman Donilon said of the report that its coverage "is unusual in the breadth of issues" with which it deals. == Recommendations == The report made sixteen major recommendations with fifty-three specific action items broadly grouped under six areas: Protecting the information and digital infrastructure Investing in the secure growth of information and digital infrastructure Consumer information access Building the cybersecurity workforce Building a secure governmental cybersecurity framework Keeping interconnectivity open, fair, competitive, and secure The Commission found that strong authentication systems were mandatory for adequate cybersecurity, not just for the government, but for all commercial systems, and private individuals. The commission also stressed remote identity proofing and security for the Internet of things (IoT). Finding that technicians who know cybersecurity and can protect systems are few and in short supply, the commission recommended nationally supported training programs to produce an adequate workforce, as well as increasing the level of expertise in the existing workforce. The Commission highlighted the importance of partnerships between government and the private sector as a powerful tool for encouraging the technology, policies and practices we need to secure and grow the digital economy. (page 2) Some criticised the commission's work as lacking an understanding of cybersecurity and not being cognizant of "cyber reality" and the cost of some of the action items, but others found the report constructive and meaningful. == Commission members == The initial members of the Commission are: Tom Donilon, former Assistant to the President and National Security Advisor (Chair) Sam Palmisano, former CEO of IBM (Vice Chair) General Keith Alexander, CEO of IronNet Cybersecurity, former Director of the National Security Agency and former Commander of U.S. Cyber Command Annie Antón, Professor and Chair of the School of Interactive Computing at Georgia Tech. Ajay Banga, President and CEO of MasterCard Steven Chabinsky, General Counsel and Chief Risk Officer of CrowdStrike Patrick Gallagher, Chancellor of the University of Pittsburgh and former Director of the National Institute of Standards and Technology Peter Lee, Corporate Vice President, Microsoft Research Herbert Lin, Senior Research Scholar for Cyber Policy and Security at the Stanford Center for International Security and Cooperation and Research Fellow at the Hoover Institution Heather Murren, former member of the Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission and co-founder of the Nevada Cancer Institute Joe Sullivan, Chief Security Officer of Uber and former Chief Security Officer of Facebook Maggie Wilderotter, Executive Chairman of Frontier Communications == Follow-on == Incoming President Trump has indicated that he wants a full review of U.S. cyber protection policy. == Notes and references ==
Intent-based network
Intent-Based Networking (IBN) is an approach to network management that shifts the focus from manually configuring individual devices to specifying desired outcomes or business objectives, referred to as "intents". == Description == Rather than relying on low-level commands to configure the network, administrators define these high-level intents, and the network dynamically adjusts itself to meet these requirements. IBN simplifies the management of complex networks by ensuring that the network infrastructure aligns with the desired operational goals. For example, an implementer can explicitly state a network purpose with a policy such as "Allow hosts A and B to communicate with X bandwidth capacity" without the need to understand the detailed mechanisms of the underlying devices (e.g. switches), topology or routing configurations. == Architecture == Advances in Natural Language Understanding (NLU) systems, along with neural network-based algorithms like BERT, RoBERTa, GLUE, and ERNIE, have enabled the conversion of user queries into structured representations that can be processed by automated services. This capability is crucial for managing the increasing complexity of network services. Intent-Based Networking (IBN) leverages these advancements to simplify network management by abstracting network services, reducing operational complexity, and lowering costs. A proposed three-layered architecture integrates intent-based automation into network management systems. In the business layer, intents are based on Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) and Service Level Agreements (SLAs), reflecting business objectives. The intent layer evaluates and re-plans actions dynamically, where a Knowledge module abstracts and reasons about intents, while an Agent interfaces with network objects to execute actions. The data layer observes network objects, updates topology information, and interacts with the Knowledge and Agent modules to ensure accurate and timely responses to network changes. At the bottom, the network layer contains the physical infrastructure, transforming network data into a usable format for the intent layer to act upon.